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The Bloody History of the Fall of Hadjin

Biography of Misak S. Saxenian

Author of

“The Bloody History of the Fall of Hadjin”

I was born in the town of Hadjin on May 30, 1887. I attended the Saint Illuminator local Armenian school. At the age of 14 I opened a shop. In 1907 I went to Adana and worked for Harootiun Effendi Nersessian. In 1909 I miraculously survived the massacres that took place in that city and returned to my birthplace.

1912: I was inducted in the Turkish army. After serving for 7 months, I returned back to Hadjin.

1914: Was drafted again; sent to Deort Yol. After a year’s service all ethnic Armenian soldiers were disarmed; they were ordered to work on road construction projects in Adana and Tarsus.

1918: After the armistice, I went again to Adana and then to Aleppo in search of my parents. Only my sister, Yeranoohi, was alive. During the war years she had stayed with our uncle’s family and thus was saved from the massacres.

About one hundred Hadjintsis from Aleppo volunteered to go back to Hadjin and fight the Turks to avenge our people. But when we arrived in Adana the French did not permit us to pursue our objective.

When permission was granted to those who wished to return to Hadjin, I hastened to go back to my birthplace where I remained until 1920, the year of Hadjin’s brave resistance to Turkish onslaught. I being one of the 347 survivors of the heroic battle of Hadjin, went to Adana and then to the U.S. I married Margaret Sarafian and came to live in Rochester, New York, where my brothers and sister Yeranoohi also resides. After living in Rochester for 15 years I moved to New York City. I have three children. My daughter Alice is married with Mihran Ajemian. My son, Haig, graduated with honors from Harvard University; my other son, John, has graduated from Long Island high school.

God in his infinite wisdom and love has forsaken me together with a few other Armenians.

The Bloody History of the Fall of Hadjin

Every survivor of Hadjin’s heroic fight for survival has his story to tell. I was among those who had taken position on the heights of Gelek35; I was a sergeant and my superior was Vartivar Yezegyelian.

On October the 3rd we sent a couple of scouts to study the position and strength of the enemy. The information brought to us by these scouts would have been invaluable in deciding on our planning to attack Urumlu36. We had to attempt this attack because the inhabitants of Hadjin were starving.

We were informed by our returning scouts that our general, Sarkis Djebejian, was gravely wounded and was in the school hospital of St. Mary’s. The Turks had thoroughly strengthened their position and had surrounded our beloved Hadjin; they were ready to give the coup de grâce. Under these circumstances, our Military Center decided to launch a pre-emptive attack on Medz Olukh,37 with the objective to take from the hands of the Turks a strategically located cannon aimed at the city.

Four hundred Hadjintsi soldiers were divided into two groups. The first was commanded by Arshag Sahagian and the second by Aram Gaydzag. I was under the command of Sahagian. We started our advance from the river Kurded toward the East. We were going one by one, in the deep precipice surrounded by rockey mountains. Our guides, the immortal heroes Abraham Tossunyan and Aram Balsanyan informed us that the Turks were taking position. We were hardly informed of this when the enemy started firing on us. It was impossible for us to advance under heavy fire, we had therefore to retreat and take refuge in Hadjin. When we arrived there, it was already sunrise.

The prayers and supplications for help that the Hadjintsis addressed to God went unheard. This morning the enemy started bombarding us using huge and deadly cannons. Communication between the various parts of the city were lost and we were completely isolated. Our supreme commander was lying, helpless and wounded. We felt it was the eleventh hour for our beloved Hadjin, since our commander was so helpless and the military might of the Turk clearly superior.

When darkness fell, the enemy multiplied the fierceness of the bombing; our positions started to crumble progressively. And despite the fact that the Turks were losing a number of their soldiers, they had decided to go on, no matter what, and clean the Armenian enclave in Hadjin.

Because we were now completely isolated, and out of contact with our military headquarters, our commander Arshak Sahagian and lieutenant Vartavar Ezegyelian attempted to reach the military headquarters; but they never came back. A while later, Haygaz Azilazian informed us that some of our strategic positions were being left by our fighters due to heavy Turkish bombing. When this sad news was learned, the population of Hadjin, anticipating a takeover of the town, started to flee toward Balad (police precinct). I too, accompanied by some close friends and relatives, decided to go to Balad. We went by the Virgin Mary’s fortress in order not to be detected. The Hadjintsis were in a complete disarray; the wounded and some children were left behind, there was no way to transport them since every one of us was seeking to save his own soul.

The enemy realizing that the population was trying to cross the bridge and take refuge in Balad, had them surrounded; a fierce cannonade directed by the Turks started. Both the enemy and the Hadjintsis had many deaths. The Turks, however, were receiving more and more military equipment.

The daughters of Hovsept Shkerdemian, Verkin, Takoohi and Yeranoohi were bravely helping the fighting Armenian men. The first two were acting as nurses, helping the wounded fighters, as to Yeranoohi she was running left and right bringing food to the wounded.

It was decided to take refuge in the fortress of Saint Mary’s, in order to protect the inhabitants of the town, because at that time the Turk had not occupied yet the fortress. When the people, together with the fighting men arrived at the Protestant church, they were informed that the enemy had occupied the fortress. Consequently, the people took refuge in the church. Some other Hadjintsis had taken refuge at the Evereglian’s and some other in Balad.

Dr. Diran Terzian who was at the Evereglian’s, had sent word to his father and brother-in-law who had taken refuge at the Protestant church to come and join them because they had decided to give themselves up to the Turks.

We noticed that two Turks were advancing furtively from under the fortress trail toward the church. Harootiun Effendi tried to prevent us from killing the intruders; we did not listen to him. The two Turks were instantly annihilated under our fire. The people started at this point to leave the church building; they started going toward the house of the Evikhanians in the hope of surrendering and thus saving their skin. The few of us who had guns deemed it wise to follow the people. While on our way to the Evikhanians, a band of Turks saw us and they opened fire. A number of the people were hit; some went back to the church not daring to advance further.

Those who had surrendered themselves to the Turks at the urging of the Evikhanians were subjected to the most horrifying tortures that the human mind is capable of conceiving. All of them were eventually liquidated in the monastery of Saint James. Saint Mary’s Hospital was set afire at midnight by the enemy. The entire city was bright as if it were noon-time; the wailing of the wounded were only heard by the ruins.

We went to the Satamians house after being informed that they had available weapons. The enemy opened fire on us from the city section called Saint Sarkis. They set the house afire and we had to take refuge in the house of the Tamyans. Upon our arrival there we learned that the Turks were advancing toward our positions, the house of the Satamians. Those of us who possessed shotguns took position in a cave not too far from the house in order to protect ourselves more effectively. Krikor Mangrian, Sumpad Skekrdemian, Stepan Shavdian, Hovsep Mootafian and Vahan Soghnalian and some others whose names I no longer recall were in the cave, ready to defend themselves.

The Turks started shouting from the fortress urging to those who had remained in the house of the Satamians to surrender or die under fierce fire. At that moment, an Armenian woman came toward us and informed us that the Turks were throwing alive from the heights of the fortress those Armenians who were captured or had surrendered.

We noticed at one point that three Turks were furtively advancing from under the fortress trail toward the Armenians who had taken refuge in the house of the Satamians. One of the Turks took a stone in order to throw it on the terrified Armenians and quite by accident saw us in the cave. The Turk at once fired on us and Hovsep Mootafian fell bravely. Angered, all of us opened fire on the three Turks and instantaneously killed them.

The Turks who were in the fortress knew now that we were hiding in the cave; they started throwing hand-grenades, Molotove cocktails in our direction but to no avail. They eventually sent us a written note the bearer at which was the youngest daughter of Mihran Jaradian. The note urged us to surrender peacefully and assured us that our lives would be spared. Our response to the enemy was a resounding “no”. We said that we were ready to die fighting, using if necessary our last bullet to kill ourselves rather than surrender to our heartless and cruel enemy who has repeatedly over the last six hundred years spoliated, persecuted and tricked us.

The Turks were very angered by our response. They at once set afire the house of the Jarians in order to kill us by asphyxiation, since, as I said before the house of the Jarians was very close to the cave. The smoke and the heat covered our faces and practically blinded us; we could not see, but could only hear each other. When darkness fell, it started to rain heavily; this was indeed a Godsent help. We left our hiding place one by one and took the Oriental rockey trail that led us to a small house where we witnessed a horrifying sight: several hundreds corpses of our beloved countrymen were piled up. We left this bloody place with a heavy heart and went to the Kredi river. We washed ourselves and drank water; our thirst was almost unquenchable because we had not drank water for days.

The number of those who took refuge by the riverside was not known to us. But they were many. Because of the rain and darkness we did not realize that we were divided into two groups. Ours was being led by the brave Sumpat Shkerdemian and Krikor Mangurian. The other, went towards Kar Bazar and we later learned that all were slaughtered.

Our group went by the church of Saint Sarkis. It was the last time that I was resting my eyes upon my birthplace, my dear Hadjin which was on fire, in ruins and covered by smoke.

After we walked for a while, we noticed tents under which Turks were resting. We reached the ranch of the Keshishians. Our clothes were clinging to our bodies because the rain had covered us. By morning, we took refuge on the mountains. We decided not to cover any ground by daytime. By sundown we noticed a boy who was walking not far from where we had camped; we were told that he was the son of Sadik Chekerdemian. He was about 14. He informed us that the Turks had set Balad afire and that those who were saved from fire were finished by Turkish bullets. He had managed to escape with his father; on their way his dad was shot and now he was all alone.

No one in our group knew the way to guide us to Yaghabas. We started marching, but not knowing what direction to take we got lost. We decided to rest at night and walk by day. Early in the morning we heard a big noise; we instinctively assumed that it was the enemy. We sent a young boy to investigate and inform us what was going on. The boy came back after a while followed by some Hadjintsis. It was a most joyful and emotional moment when we met the newcomers. The survivors were crying because of their good luck.

Daybreak came and we started our march; on our way we were collecting from oak trees what is called “peled”; it served us as food. Our group, together with the newcomers numbered now 300. Only seven among us carried weapons. We started towards the village of Hassan Kehya after crossing the Mavi Choor (Blue Water) river. The majority of our group members entered the village; only some did not among them this writer and Aram Gahdzak; we stayed by the river edge in order to rest. We noticed at one point that a shotgun carrying Turk was advancing towards us from the other edge of the river. Aram Gaydzak ordered Jaafar (a Turkish thief who had consented to act as our guide and thus avoid criminal prosecution by Turkish authorities) who knew well the manners and customs of the Turks to approach and befriend this Turk and bring him along to us. Jaafar left, and when he came close to the Turk he greeted him the way Turks greet each other and they started boasting to each other on how they had annihilated and set asunder all of Hadjin. When Jaafar and the Turk came in our camp, Aram asked the Turk if he knew him. The Turk replied boastfully that he knew him to be Aram Chavoosh, thinking all along that we were the prisoners of Jaafar. Right then and there Aram kicked the Turk in order to signify to him that we were still free heroic men, free from the murderous Turk. We tied the hands of our captive and, reached Hassan Kehyan. The other Armenians who had reached this locality prior to our arrival were trying to fill their empty stomachs and were eating anything and everything they could lay their hands on. This spectacle of our starving countrymen is an unforgettable one, one that will eternally remain branded on my mind.

The starving mob had attacked the beehives and had started eating voraciously the honey disregarding the sting of thousands of bees. An empty stomach cannot feel the pain caused by the bee’s sting. Some of these starving Hadjintsis had managed to capture a number of chicken and sheep and they were eating their flesh uncooked, raw! Others were voraciously filling their mouths with flour and in the process covering their faces with flour. Those who had had the fortune of finding unripe pears were eating them with dellight and relish. I was able to put my hand on a huge yellow squash and was able to exchange part of it for some meat. Many were indeed bartering. A number of women made dough in order to take with them as food reserve.

Gaydzak became angry at the sight of the unruly behavior of the group which had preceeded us to the village. But Hassan Kehyan the Turk put up a phony front asserting that he was glad that all of us (400) were able to eat and quench our thirst in his village. In all we ate and drank for three or four hours; every one of us felt as a new creature. It seemed that we had erased from our memories all the pain, the blood, the starvation, the ever presence of death and the memories of the dear ones left behind...

We finally left the village that had fed us. In the morning, while we were passing by another village, some Turks who had been awaken and thinking that we were those who had destroyed Hadjin started shouting with joy and delight “May Allah give strength to our youth” (in Turkish in the original Armenian text). Their joy, however was short lived for they soon discovered with dismay that we were not Turks, we were “giavoors” (infidels). Fortunately, we had in our group two young Armenians, Tossun Apraham and Hamza who knew well that particular geographic area and consequently guided and directed us safely towards the hills overlooking the Turkish village.

The Turks instantaneously came out of their houses and, those who had shotguns (they were quite a few) opened fire on us. They were not able, however, to harm any of us since we had taken good positions and were thoroughly covered. We defended ourselves by firing on the enemy. Some of their oxen came towards our positions; we did not hesitate, we captured them, slaughtered, roasted and voraciously ate them. That same night, completely freed from hunger, we pursued our march and reached the mountains called “Tokhli”.

The mountainous trail on which we were advancing was very narrow and rockey. At one point, our voices were heard by some nomadic Turks living under tents; they quite unexpectedly opened fire on us. Our fire power was superior to theirs, consequently, after a short engagement they retreated and eventually fled. We promptly took over their tents and the foodstuff they had left in their disorderly retreat. What a joy it was for us not to experience hunger any more, to have a full stomach. However, one or two of our brave fighters fell in this brief battle.

It was impossible for our group to remain constantly together; at times some members would remain in the rear. On one particular night, the majority of the group had gone well ahead while a small group of about 8 or 10 people had remained back. It was this smaller group that was attacked rather unexpectedly; we lost a brave young man and hastened to join the main body of the group.

On October 22, led by Hamza, we reached the outskirts of his native village and took up fighting positions. Hamza went to the village and, after he brought us some foods, went back promising he would return soon. When he did not come back after a long while, we started worrying and suspected that he might have betrayed us. We realized however that our fears were groundless and proceeded our journey. We soon reached a locality called the Windmill of Sis Tlan. Three Turks were there, two men and a woman were grinding wheat. They did not waste time, as soon as they saw us they fled. We were once again fortunate to find a lot of food and ate to our hearts content.

The same night we chose two brave couriers to be sent to Jihan Hamidieh which was six hours away from our village. Their final destination was in fact Adana from where they were to send us help. The two couriers were Aram Mooshian, now living in Switzerland, and Nanoosh Shekerdemian, presently residing in the United States.

Those Turks who had fled from Sis Tlan on our arrival all of a sudden showed up followed by a horde of fellow Turks. We were completely surrounded in the windmill and the situation appeared most serious. There was only one way to save our skin and that was to cross a nearby bridge. We learned by a scout that the Turks were guarding the bridge. Therefore, our hope to cross it was all but impossible.

The next day the Turks attacked us; they lost a considerable number of fighters. Our losses were relatively more modest. On our side, among others, Hovhannes Chamdibian and Jaafar bravely fell while fighting. Later in the evening, the enemy did not relent, they kept firing on our positions. They were so close to our positions (10 to 20 feet) that Aram Gaydzak was able to talk with them and tell them that if they let us cross the bridge we would stop firing on them. The Turks responded that since we had destroyed and set afire a number of their houses, they had resolved to avenge their dead countrymen. They finally claimed that there was no possibility of salvation for us even if we were able to fly like birds. The only way to be saved was through surrender. Aram told them that we had been fighting for the last nine months and did not intend to give up now. We were ready to fight nine more months if need be in order to see the light of freedom.

The boastful Turks continued making fun of us; they asked us where Hamza was. Aram answered by saying that he was among us and firing on them. The Turks tried to persuade Hamza not to join us; they had promised him in the past that they would not prosecute him for his past crimes. We learned later that he was hanged not for his civil crimes but because of apostasy. That particular night we lost the son of Master Toros and Misak Rejebian.

When we realized that we could no longer defend our positions by the windmill and on the adjoining hills, we started to retreat. Those who were badly wounded were left in the windmill; we gave them only weapons and ammunitions in order that the could sporadically fire so that the Turks would think that all of the Hadjintsis were still in and around the windmill.

The two couriers have reached Adana and have informed of our situation to his Holiness the Catholicos. The Catholicos had requested help from the French (as occupying power in Adana and supposed protector of the Armenian minority). We learned that a great many Hadjintsis had volunteered to come to our help. But the French had suggested to send an airplane for reconnaissance purposes. They had promised that if the reconnaissance revealed any survivors they would authorize the volunteers to come to our rescue.

Indeed, one afternoon an aircraft with French markings came over the windmill, our stronghold. And despite the fact that we raised a flag and fired several shots, the pilow flew back and reported to his superiors that he had not detected any survivors. The French government had contacted our Catholicos and informed Him and the Armenian National Council that the results of the reconnaissance flight had been entirely negative. Consequently, no volunteers were permitted to come to our rescue.

Our situation looked, to say the least, discouraging. Some of our men were spread in the field; others were holding position on the adjacent hills. It seemed that there was no way out; we were surrounded by the Turks. The Turk that we had captured by the windmill when asked to show us a way out, suggested that we cross the river. When it was pitch dark, one by one we started crossing the waterway, a crossing that took several hours. In many spots, because the water was too deep, it was hard for us to keep our weapons, ammunitions and food supplies completely dry. The water was so cold that it seemed to freeze our bones. But in order to find freedom we were ready to freeze, even die.

We finally reached a certain spot in the river from where it was relatively safe to lay on the opposite edge. This was assured to us by our Turkish guide, the one we had captured at the windmill. We had set now foot on French soil (occupied by French expeditionary forces), It was impossible for those who set first foot on the edge of the river to wait for the others to march together since we had to move right away in order to warm our freezing bodies.

Our group was being followed by Tossun Apraham who had put on a mule a couple of wounded Hadjintsis unable to walk. The son of Tossun kept shouting so that we slowed down so that his father and him could catch us up. What a brave and self-sacrificing man he was...

The next day when the Turks assaulted the windmill they could not find any of us. Some horse-mounted Turks try to pursue our group but it was too late, we had set foot on secure soil, French soil.

When we reached the Jihan bridge, we were welcomed by French soldiers and the people of the city. We were all lodged into a khan (mostel); the next day our weapons were taken away and after they fed us for a day or two we were divided into two groups. The first was sent to Der Yeol, the second to Adana.

From a total of 6,000 Hadjintsis, only 347 survived to reach freedom.

1 Malcom, Armenians in America. Other English language works on the history of the community are Tashjian, Armenians of the United States; Minasian, “They Came from Ararat”; “Armenians in America,” Ararat (Winter 1977); and Avakian, Armenians in America. I have been unable to obtain, Hagop Nazarentaz, History of the Armenian Communities in Foreign Lands, I: The Armenians in America (New York, 1970). Bibliographical and other information is in Kulhanjian, Guide on Armenian Immigrants.  For comments regarding the writing of the history of the Armenian diaspora, especially that of the United States, see Mirak, “Outside the Homeland.”

2 Account of Martin in Malcom, Armenians in America, 51-55; quoted passage, 52.

3 Ibid., 52-55.

4 Paragraph derived from ibid. 55-56. The 173 line poem is in Peter Force, ed., Tracts and Other Papers, vol. 3, no. 53, 31-35. See also Minasian, “The First Armenians in America,” Ararat (Spring 1968).

5 The plan of this hitherto unsurveyed site was executed in July 1981. The few contour lines of the relatively flat outcrop are at intervals of 75 cm. Only the upper levels of towers A and B are represented on the plan; the rest of the fort is represented at ground level.

6 Texier, 583 f; Hogarth and Munro, 657 ff; Hild, 127 ff, maps 11 and 14, pls. 98-99; Alishan, Sissouan, 62 ff; Schaffer, 90 f; Sterrett, 239 and map 2. Saimbeyli appears on the following maps; Central Cilicia, Cilicie, Everek, Marash.  See also: Handbook, 69, 91, 343, 337-82, 703; Cuinet, 94 f; Rasid ad-Din, Die Frankengeschichte des Rasid ad-Din, intro., trans., and comm.. K. Jahn (Vienna, 1977), 44 and notes 78 and 79.

7 Polosean, 106 f, 122 ff; Yovhannesean, 179-82; Aghassi, 97-101.

8 Ibid.; Alishan, Sissouan, 174-77; King, 240 f; for a discussion of the monastery of St. James (S. Yakob), see Edwards, “Second Report,” 125 ff. Concerning the medieval name for this site see below, Appendix 3, note 6. Ramsay (281, 291, 312) believes it to be the late antique Badimon.

9 The Armenian community here and in Sis occasionally prospered as a result of alliances with the local derebeys. See A. Gould, “Lords or Bandits” The Derebeys of Cilicia,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 7 (1976), 485-506; cf. A. Sanjian, The Armenian Communities in Syria under Ottoman Domination (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), 233 ff.

10 Edwards, “Second Report,” 130: f.

11 Ibid. The square campanile was part of the post-medieval church of the Holy Mother of God (Holy Astuacacin). Before its destruction by the Turks in 1915, it was heavily damaged on two prior occasions; first by a fire and later by an earthquake. For information on this and other Armenian churches in Saimbeyli see note 3, above; Oskean; G. Galustian, Marash (New York, 1934).

12 Edwards, “Second Report,” 130 f.

13 Throughout the ancient and medieval periods the region of Cilicia was defined by the Taurus and Anti-Taurus Mountains to the north and east and by the Mediterranean to the south. Only the western border of Cilicia seems to have fluctuated constantly; see T. Mitford, “Roman Rough Cilicia,” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, 2.7.2. (1980), 1230 ff. Just a small portion of what is now called Cilicia Tracheia was part of the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia; see below, Part I.7.

14 C. Toumanoff, “The Background of Manzikert,” Proceedings of the XIII Congress of Byzantine Studies (Oxford, 1967), 411 ff; Matthew of Edessa, 158.

15 Although this first migration was small, the Armenians made their presence felt by the late 10th century. Al-Maqdisi ) Ahsan at-Taqãsim fi ma’rifat al-aqãlim, ed. M. J. deGoeje, Descriptio Imperii Moslemici, BGA Ill [Leiden, 1877], 189, line 1) in his discussion of the Gabal Lukkãm expresses annoyance that in his day (ca. A.D. 985) this region is controlled by the Armenians. See also G. Dédéyan, “L’immigration arménienne en Cappadoce au XI siècle,” Byz 45 (1975), 14 ff.

In the 960’s Cilicia was rapidly depopulated of its Arab inhabitants, making it (along with Cappadocia) an attractive site for Armenian settlement. See G. Dagron, “Minorités ethniques et religiesuses dans l’orient byzantin à la fin du X et au XI siècle: L’immigration syrienne,” Travaux et mémoires 6 (1976), 176-89, 208 ff.

16 J. Laurent, “Arméniens de Cilicie: Aspiétès, Oschin, Ursinus,” Mélanges offerts à G. Schlumberger, I (Paris, 1924), 150 ff; Lüders, 18.

17 N. Adontz, “Notes arméno-byzantines, IV, l’aïeul des Roubéniens,” Byz 10 (1935), 185 ff. Genealogies of the Het’umids and Rubenids can be found in Toumanoff, 275 ff, 439 ff; Rüdt-Collenberg, passim. See also Dardel, 5 note 3.

18 Smbat, G. Dédéyan, 71 note 98.

19 G. Ter Grigorian Iskenderian, Die Kreuzfahrer und ihre Beziehungen zu den armenischen Nachbarfürsten (Weida-Leipzig, 1915), 26 ff.

20 T. Boase. “The History of the Kingdom,” in Boase, 10. T`oros I appears to have collected icons of the Virgin, for in 1104 he purchased one from T`at`ul, the prince of Maras. See Matthew of Edessa, 75.

21 Cinnamus, 16-19; Der Nersessian, 635-41; C. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, trans. J. Jones-Williams (London, 1968), 94 ff; Ibn al-Qalãnisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, ed. And trans. H. Gibb (London, 1932), 241, 246, 349; Tritton and Gibb, 99, 275 ff; Michael Italikos, 252 f.

22 F. Chalandon, Jean II Comnène (1118-1143) et Manuel l Comnène (1143-1180) (Paris, 1912), 418 ff; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 63 ff. One year before his ascension to the Kat`olikate (1166), Nerses IV met in Misis with Alexius, the brother-in-law of Manuel, to begin a reconciliation between the Greek and Armenian Churches.

23 Der Nersessian, 642 f.

24 W. Hecht, “Byzanz und die Armenier nach dem Tode Kaiser Manuels I 1180-96,” Byz 37 (1967), 60 ff.

25 Alishan, Léon, 105 ff; T. Rhode, König Leon II von Kleinarmenien, Diss. (Göttingen, 1869), 3-44; A. Savvides, Byzantium in the Near East: Its Relations with the Sljuk Sultanate of Rum in Asia Minor, the Armenians of Cilicia and the Mongols, A.D. c1192-1237 (Thessaloniki, 1981), 94 f, 116-20, 130, 145-47; Röhricht, 201, 208 f, 212 f, 218 f. This success, however, was of short duration; see Ibn Bibi, 23, 55, 70-75.

26 N. Akinean, “Het`um Heli Ter Lambroni,” HA 59 (1955), 397-405.

27 Regarding the relationship between Armenian Cilicia and the Greek, Latin, and Syrian Churches see: E. Ter-Minassiantz, Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zu den syrischen Kirchen (Leipzig, 1904). 130 ff; C. Frazee, “The Christian Church in Cilician Armenia: Its Relations with Rome and Constantinople to 1198,” Church History 45 (1976), 166-84; C. Kohler, “Lettres pontificales concernant l’histoire de la Petite Arménie au XIV siècle,” Florilegium ou recueil de travaux d’èrudition dédiés à M. le Marquis Melchior de Vogüe (Paris, 1909), 303-27; P. Tekeyan, “Controverses christologiques en Arméno-Cilicie dans la seconde moitié du XII siècle (1165-1198),” Orientalia christiana analecta 124 (1939), 5-121; M. Oudenrijn, “Uniteurs et Dominicains d’Arménie,” Oriens christianus 40 (1956), 94-112, 42 (1958), 110-33, 43, (1959), 110-19, 45 (1961), 95-108, 46 (1962), 99-116; A. Balgy, Historia doctrinae catholicae inter Armenos unionisque eorum cum ecclesia Romano in Concilio Florentino (Vienna, 1878); A. Ter-Mikelian, Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zur byzantinischen (vom IV. Bis zum XIII. Jahrunderts) (Leipzig, 1892); J. Prawer, “The Armenians in Jerusalem under the Crusaders,” Armenian and Biblical Studies, ed. M. Stone (Jerusalem, 1976), 223-36; H.F. Tournebize, Histoire politique et religieuse de l’Arménie (Paris, 1910), 235-388, 644-753; idem, “Les cent dix-sept accusations présentées à Benoît XII contre les Arméniens,” Revue de l’Orient chrétien 11 (1906), 163-81, 274-300, 352-70; iden, “Les Frères-Uniteurs ou Dominicains arméniens (1330-1794),” ibid., 22 (1920-21), 145-61, 251-79; Nerses of Lampron, 569 ff; A. Atiya, A History of Eastern Christianity (London, 1968), 332-34; M. Baldwin, “Missions to the East in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,: A History of the Crusaders, ed. K. Setton, V (Madison, 1985), 463, 469 f, 478, 485 f, 489-93, 506, 410; A. Heisenberg, “Zu den armenisch-byzantinischen Beziehungen am Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts,” Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-philologische und historische Klass. Jahrgang 1929, 6, 3-20; Grigor Aknerc`I, 378-80; D. Robert, “Négociations ecclésiastiques arméno-byzantines au XIII siècle,” Studi bizantini e neoellenici 5 (1939), 146-51; B. Hamilton, “The Armenian Church and the Papacy at the Time of the Crusades,” Eastern Churches Review 10 (1978), 61-87; J. Gay, Le Pape Clément VI et les affaires d’Orient (1342-1352) (Paris, 1904; rpr. New York, 1972).

28 Der Nersessian, 648 note 23; A. Atamian, “The Data of the Coronation of Levon I,” Armenian Review 32 (1979), 280 ff; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 78 f. For the purpose of this study, I shall refer to Baron Levon II as King Levon I after this date.

29 Cahen, 526 ff; Edwards, “Bagras,” 431 f.

30 Forstreuter, 59-67.

31 Der Nersessian, 651 f.

32 P Zavoronkov, “Nikeiskaja imperija I vostok,” Vizantiiskii Vremennik 39 (1978), 93-101; Ibn Bibi, 140-42.

33 E. Bretschneider, “Notices of the Medieval Geography and History of Central and Western Asia,” Journal of the North-China Branch of the Asiatic Society, n.s. 10 (Shanghai, 1876), 297-302; R. Hennig, Terrae Incognitae (A.D. 1200-1415), III (Leiden, 1953), 61-64. G. Bezzola Die Mongolen in abendländischer Sicht [1220-1270] (Bern, 1974), 151-54, 179, 182, 190-92; J. Boyle, “The Journey of Het`um I, King of Little Armenia, to the Court of the Great Khan Möngke,” Central Asiatic Journal 9.3 (Sept. 1964), 175-89; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 176 ff; Grigor Aknerc`I, 312-14, 340-42; J. Klaproth, “Aperçu des enterprises des Mongolis en Géorgie et en Arménie, dans le XIII siècle,” ja 12 (1833), 206-14.

34 Grigor Aknerc`I, 352-72; Canard, “Le royaume,” 217ff.

35 Town section in Hadjin.

36 A village near Hadjin.

37 Cutoract (?)

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Last revised: December 16, 2010.