The Bloody History of the Fall of
Hadjin
Biography of Misak S. Saxenian
Author of
“The Bloody History of the Fall
of Hadjin”
I was born in the town of Hadjin on May 30,
1887. I attended the Saint Illuminator local
Armenian school. At the age of 14 I opened a
shop. In 1907 I went to Adana and worked for
Harootiun Effendi Nersessian. In 1909 I miraculously
survived the massacres that took place in that city and
returned to my birthplace.
1912: I was inducted in the Turkish
army. After serving for 7 months, I returned back to
Hadjin.
1914: Was drafted again; sent to Deort
Yol. After a year’s service all ethnic Armenian
soldiers were disarmed; they were ordered to work on road
construction projects in Adana and Tarsus.
1918: After the armistice, I went again to
Adana and then to Aleppo in search of my
parents. Only my sister, Yeranoohi, was
alive. During the war years she had stayed with our
uncle’s family and thus was saved from the
massacres.
About one hundred Hadjintsis from Aleppo volunteered
to go back to Hadjin and fight the Turks to avenge our
people. But when we arrived in Adana the French did
not permit us to pursue our objective.
When permission was granted to those who wished to
return to Hadjin, I hastened to go back to my birthplace
where I remained until 1920, the year of Hadjin’s
brave resistance to Turkish onslaught. I being one
of the 347 survivors of the heroic battle of Hadjin, went
to Adana and then to the U.S. I married Margaret
Sarafian and came to live in Rochester, New York, where
my brothers and sister Yeranoohi also resides. After
living in Rochester for 15 years I moved to New York
City. I have three children. My daughter Alice is
married with Mihran Ajemian. My son, Haig, graduated
with honors from Harvard University; my other son, John,
has graduated from Long Island high school.
God in his infinite wisdom and love has forsaken me
together with a few other Armenians.
The Bloody History of the Fall of
Hadjin
Every survivor of Hadjin’s heroic fight for
survival has his story to tell. I was among those
who had taken position on the heights of Gelek35; I was a sergeant and
my superior was Vartivar Yezegyelian.
On October the 3rd we sent a couple of scouts to study
the position and strength of the enemy. The
information brought to us by these scouts would have been
invaluable in deciding on our planning to attack Urumlu36. We had to
attempt this attack because the inhabitants of Hadjin
were starving.
We were informed by our returning scouts that our
general, Sarkis Djebejian, was gravely wounded and was in
the school hospital of St. Mary’s. The Turks
had thoroughly strengthened their position and had
surrounded our beloved Hadjin; they were ready to give
the coup de grâce. Under these circumstances, our
Military Center decided to launch a pre-emptive attack on
Medz Olukh,37 with the
objective to take from the hands of the Turks a
strategically located cannon aimed at the city.
Four hundred Hadjintsi soldiers were divided into two
groups. The first was commanded by Arshag Sahagian
and the second by Aram Gaydzag. I was under the
command of Sahagian. We started our advance from the
river Kurded toward the East. We were going one by
one, in the deep precipice surrounded by rockey
mountains. Our guides, the immortal heroes Abraham
Tossunyan and Aram Balsanyan informed us that the Turks
were taking position. We were hardly informed of
this when the enemy started firing on us. It was
impossible for us to advance under heavy fire, we had
therefore to retreat and take refuge in Hadjin. When
we arrived there, it was already sunrise.
The prayers and supplications for help that the
Hadjintsis addressed to God went unheard. This
morning the enemy started bombarding us using huge and
deadly cannons. Communication between the various
parts of the city were lost and we were completely
isolated. Our supreme commander was lying, helpless
and wounded. We felt it was the eleventh hour for
our beloved Hadjin, since our commander was so helpless
and the military might of the Turk clearly superior.
When darkness fell, the enemy multiplied the
fierceness of the bombing; our positions started to
crumble progressively. And despite the fact that the
Turks were losing a number of their soldiers, they had
decided to go on, no matter what, and clean the Armenian
enclave in Hadjin.
Because we were now completely isolated, and out of
contact with our military headquarters, our commander
Arshak Sahagian and lieutenant Vartavar Ezegyelian
attempted to reach the military headquarters; but they
never came back. A while later, Haygaz Azilazian
informed us that some of our strategic positions were
being left by our fighters due to heavy Turkish
bombing. When this sad news was learned, the
population of Hadjin, anticipating a takeover of the
town, started to flee toward Balad (police
precinct). I too, accompanied by some close friends
and relatives, decided to go to Balad. We went by
the Virgin Mary’s fortress in order not to be
detected. The Hadjintsis were in a complete
disarray; the wounded and some children were left behind,
there was no way to transport them since every one of us
was seeking to save his own soul.
The enemy realizing that the population was trying to
cross the bridge and take refuge in Balad, had them
surrounded; a fierce cannonade directed by the Turks
started. Both the enemy and the Hadjintsis had many
deaths. The Turks, however, were receiving more and
more military equipment.
The daughters of Hovsept Shkerdemian, Verkin, Takoohi
and Yeranoohi were bravely helping the fighting Armenian
men. The first two were acting as nurses, helping
the wounded fighters, as to Yeranoohi she was running
left and right bringing food to the wounded.
It was decided to take refuge in the fortress of Saint
Mary’s, in order to protect the inhabitants of the
town, because at that time the Turk had not occupied yet
the fortress. When the people, together with the
fighting men arrived at the Protestant church, they were
informed that the enemy had occupied the
fortress. Consequently, the people took refuge in
the church. Some other Hadjintsis had taken refuge
at the Evereglian’s and some other in Balad.
Dr. Diran Terzian who was at the Evereglian’s,
had sent word to his father and brother-in-law who had
taken refuge at the Protestant church to come and join
them because they had decided to give themselves up to
the Turks.
We noticed that two Turks were advancing furtively
from under the fortress trail toward the
church. Harootiun Effendi tried to prevent us from
killing the intruders; we did not listen to him. The
two Turks were instantly annihilated under our
fire. The people started at this point to leave the
church building; they started going toward the house of
the Evikhanians in the hope of surrendering and thus
saving their skin. The few of us who had guns deemed
it wise to follow the people. While on our way to
the Evikhanians, a band of Turks saw us and they opened
fire. A number of the people were hit; some went
back to the church not daring to advance further.
Those who had surrendered themselves to the Turks at
the urging of the Evikhanians were subjected to the most
horrifying tortures that the human mind is capable of
conceiving. All of them were eventually liquidated
in the monastery of Saint James. Saint Mary’s
Hospital was set afire at midnight by the enemy. The
entire city was bright as if it were noon-time; the
wailing of the wounded were only heard by the ruins.
We went to the Satamians house after being informed
that they had available weapons. The enemy opened
fire on us from the city section called Saint
Sarkis. They set the house afire and we had to take
refuge in the house of the Tamyans. Upon our arrival
there we learned that the Turks were advancing toward our
positions, the house of the Satamians. Those of us
who possessed shotguns took position in a cave not too
far from the house in order to protect ourselves more
effectively. Krikor Mangrian, Sumpad Skekrdemian,
Stepan Shavdian, Hovsep Mootafian and Vahan Soghnalian
and some others whose names I no longer recall were in
the cave, ready to defend themselves.
The Turks started shouting from the fortress urging to
those who had remained in the house of the Satamians to
surrender or die under fierce fire. At that moment,
an Armenian woman came toward us and informed us that the
Turks were throwing alive from the heights of the
fortress those Armenians who were captured or had
surrendered.
We noticed at one point that three Turks were
furtively advancing from under the fortress trail toward
the Armenians who had taken refuge in the house of the
Satamians. One of the Turks took a stone in order to
throw it on the terrified Armenians and quite by accident
saw us in the cave. The Turk at once fired on us and
Hovsep Mootafian fell bravely. Angered, all of us
opened fire on the three Turks and instantaneously killed
them.
The Turks who were in the fortress knew now that we
were hiding in the cave; they started throwing
hand-grenades, Molotove cocktails in our direction but to
no avail. They eventually sent us a written note the
bearer at which was the youngest daughter of Mihran
Jaradian. The note urged us to surrender peacefully
and assured us that our lives would be spared. Our
response to the enemy was a resounding
“no”. We said that we were ready to die
fighting, using if necessary our last bullet to kill
ourselves rather than surrender to our heartless and
cruel enemy who has repeatedly over the last six hundred
years spoliated, persecuted and tricked us.
The Turks were very angered by our response. They
at once set afire the house of the Jarians in order to
kill us by asphyxiation, since, as I said before the
house of the Jarians was very close to the cave. The
smoke and the heat covered our faces and practically
blinded us; we could not see, but could only hear each
other. When darkness fell, it started to rain
heavily; this was indeed a Godsent help. We left our
hiding place one by one and took the Oriental rockey
trail that led us to a small house where we witnessed a
horrifying sight: several hundreds corpses of our
beloved countrymen were piled up. We left this
bloody place with a heavy heart and went to the Kredi
river. We washed ourselves and drank water; our
thirst was almost unquenchable because we had not drank
water for days.
The number of those who took refuge by the riverside
was not known to us. But they were
many. Because of the rain and darkness we did not
realize that we were divided into two groups. Ours
was being led by the brave Sumpat Shkerdemian and Krikor
Mangurian. The other, went towards Kar Bazar and we
later learned that all were slaughtered.
Our group went by the church of Saint Sarkis. It
was the last time that I was resting my eyes upon my
birthplace, my dear Hadjin which was on fire, in ruins
and covered by smoke.
After we walked for a while, we noticed tents under
which Turks were resting. We reached the ranch of
the Keshishians. Our clothes were clinging to our
bodies because the rain had covered us. By morning,
we took refuge on the mountains. We decided not to
cover any ground by daytime. By sundown we noticed a
boy who was walking not far from where we had camped; we
were told that he was the son of Sadik
Chekerdemian. He was about 14. He informed us
that the Turks had set Balad afire and that those who
were saved from fire were finished by Turkish
bullets. He had managed to escape with his father;
on their way his dad was shot and now he was all alone.
No one in our group knew the way to guide us to
Yaghabas. We started marching, but not knowing what
direction to take we got lost. We decided to rest at
night and walk by day. Early in the morning we heard
a big noise; we instinctively assumed that it was the
enemy. We sent a young boy to investigate and inform
us what was going on. The boy came back after a
while followed by some Hadjintsis. It was a most
joyful and emotional moment when we met the
newcomers. The survivors were crying because of
their good luck.
Daybreak came and we started our march; on our way we
were collecting from oak trees what is called
“peled”; it served us as food. Our group,
together with the newcomers numbered now 300. Only
seven among us carried weapons. We started towards
the village of Hassan Kehya after crossing the Mavi Choor
(Blue Water) river. The majority of our group
members entered the village; only some did not among them
this writer and Aram Gahdzak; we stayed by the river edge
in order to rest. We noticed at one point that a
shotgun carrying Turk was advancing towards us from the
other edge of the river. Aram Gaydzak ordered Jaafar
(a Turkish thief who had consented to act as our guide
and thus avoid criminal prosecution by Turkish
authorities) who knew well the manners and customs of the
Turks to approach and befriend this Turk and bring him
along to us. Jaafar left, and when he came close to
the Turk he greeted him the way Turks greet each other
and they started boasting to each other on how they had
annihilated and set asunder all of Hadjin. When
Jaafar and the Turk came in our camp, Aram asked the Turk
if he knew him. The Turk replied boastfully that he
knew him to be Aram Chavoosh, thinking all along that we
were the prisoners of Jaafar. Right then and there
Aram kicked the Turk in order to signify to him that we
were still free heroic men, free from the murderous
Turk. We tied the hands of our captive and, reached
Hassan Kehyan. The other Armenians who had reached
this locality prior to our arrival were trying to fill
their empty stomachs and were eating anything and
everything they could lay their hands on. This
spectacle of our starving countrymen is an unforgettable
one, one that will eternally remain branded on my mind.
The starving mob had attacked the beehives and had
started eating voraciously the honey disregarding the
sting of thousands of bees. An empty stomach cannot
feel the pain caused by the bee’s sting. Some
of these starving Hadjintsis had managed to capture a
number of chicken and sheep and they were eating their
flesh uncooked, raw! Others were voraciously filling
their mouths with flour and in the process covering their
faces with flour. Those who had had the fortune of
finding unripe pears were eating them with dellight and
relish. I was able to put my hand on a huge yellow
squash and was able to exchange part of it for some
meat. Many were indeed bartering. A number of
women made dough in order to take with them as food
reserve.
Gaydzak became angry at the sight of the unruly
behavior of the group which had preceeded us to the
village. But Hassan Kehyan the Turk put up a phony
front asserting that he was glad that all of us (400)
were able to eat and quench our thirst in his
village. In all we ate and drank for three or four
hours; every one of us felt as a new creature. It
seemed that we had erased from our memories all the pain,
the blood, the starvation, the ever presence of death and
the memories of the dear ones left behind...
We finally left the village that had fed us. In
the morning, while we were passing by another village,
some Turks who had been awaken and thinking that we were
those who had destroyed Hadjin started shouting with joy
and delight “May Allah give strength to our
youth” (in Turkish in the original Armenian
text). Their joy, however was short lived for they
soon discovered with dismay that we were not Turks, we
were “giavoors” (infidels). Fortunately,
we had in our group two young Armenians, Tossun Apraham
and Hamza who knew well that particular geographic area
and consequently guided and directed us safely towards
the hills overlooking the Turkish village.
The Turks instantaneously came out of their houses
and, those who had shotguns (they were quite a few)
opened fire on us. They were not able, however, to
harm any of us since we had taken good positions and were
thoroughly covered. We defended ourselves by firing
on the enemy. Some of their oxen came towards our
positions; we did not hesitate, we captured them,
slaughtered, roasted and voraciously ate them. That
same night, completely freed from hunger, we pursued our
march and reached the mountains called
“Tokhli”.
The mountainous trail on which we were advancing was
very narrow and rockey. At one point, our voices
were heard by some nomadic Turks living under tents; they
quite unexpectedly opened fire on us. Our fire power
was superior to theirs, consequently, after a short
engagement they retreated and eventually fled. We
promptly took over their tents and the foodstuff they had
left in their disorderly retreat. What a joy it was
for us not to experience hunger any more, to have a full
stomach. However, one or two of our brave fighters
fell in this brief battle.
It was impossible for our group to remain constantly
together; at times some members would remain in the
rear. On one particular night, the majority of the
group had gone well ahead while a small group of about 8
or 10 people had remained back. It was this smaller
group that was attacked rather unexpectedly; we lost a
brave young man and hastened to join the main body of the
group.
On October 22, led by Hamza, we reached the outskirts
of his native village and took up fighting
positions. Hamza went to the village and, after he
brought us some foods, went back promising he would
return soon. When he did not come back after a long
while, we started worrying and suspected that he might
have betrayed us. We realized however that our fears
were groundless and proceeded our journey. We soon
reached a locality called the Windmill of Sis
Tlan. Three Turks were there, two men and a woman
were grinding wheat. They did not waste time, as
soon as they saw us they fled. We were once again
fortunate to find a lot of food and ate to our hearts
content.
The same night we chose two brave couriers to be sent
to Jihan Hamidieh which was six hours away from our
village. Their final destination was in fact Adana
from where they were to send us help. The two
couriers were Aram Mooshian, now living in Switzerland,
and Nanoosh Shekerdemian, presently residing in the
United States.
Those Turks who had fled from Sis Tlan on our arrival
all of a sudden showed up followed by a horde of fellow
Turks. We were completely surrounded in the windmill
and the situation appeared most serious. There was
only one way to save our skin and that was to cross a
nearby bridge. We learned by a scout that the Turks
were guarding the bridge. Therefore, our hope to
cross it was all but impossible.
The next day the Turks attacked us; they lost a
considerable number of fighters. Our losses were
relatively more modest. On our side, among others,
Hovhannes Chamdibian and Jaafar bravely fell while
fighting. Later in the evening, the enemy did not
relent, they kept firing on our positions. They were
so close to our positions (10 to 20 feet) that Aram
Gaydzak was able to talk with them and tell them that if
they let us cross the bridge we would stop firing on
them. The Turks responded that since we had
destroyed and set afire a number of their houses, they
had resolved to avenge their dead countrymen. They
finally claimed that there was no possibility of
salvation for us even if we were able to fly like
birds. The only way to be saved was through
surrender. Aram told them that we had been fighting
for the last nine months and did not intend to give up
now. We were ready to fight nine more months if need
be in order to see the light of freedom.
The boastful Turks continued making fun of us; they
asked us where Hamza was. Aram answered by saying
that he was among us and firing on them. The Turks
tried to persuade Hamza not to join us; they had promised
him in the past that they would not prosecute him for his
past crimes. We learned later that he was hanged not
for his civil crimes but because of apostasy. That
particular night we lost the son of Master Toros and
Misak Rejebian.
When we realized that we could no longer defend our
positions by the windmill and on the adjoining hills, we
started to retreat. Those who were badly wounded
were left in the windmill; we gave them only weapons and
ammunitions in order that the could sporadically fire so
that the Turks would think that all of the Hadjintsis
were still in and around the windmill.
The two couriers have reached Adana and have informed
of our situation to his Holiness the Catholicos. The
Catholicos had requested help from the French (as
occupying power in Adana and supposed protector of the
Armenian minority). We learned that a great many
Hadjintsis had volunteered to come to our help. But
the French had suggested to send an airplane for
reconnaissance purposes. They had promised that if
the reconnaissance revealed any survivors they would
authorize the volunteers to come to our rescue.
Indeed, one afternoon an aircraft with French markings
came over the windmill, our stronghold. And despite
the fact that we raised a flag and fired several shots,
the pilow flew back and reported to his superiors that he
had not detected any survivors. The French
government had contacted our Catholicos and informed Him
and the Armenian National Council that the results of the
reconnaissance flight had been entirely
negative. Consequently, no volunteers were permitted
to come to our rescue.
Our situation looked, to say the least,
discouraging. Some of our men were spread in the
field; others were holding position on the adjacent
hills. It seemed that there was no way out; we were
surrounded by the Turks. The Turk that we had
captured by the windmill when asked to show us a way out,
suggested that we cross the river. When it was pitch
dark, one by one we started crossing the waterway, a
crossing that took several hours. In many spots,
because the water was too deep, it was hard for us to
keep our weapons, ammunitions and food supplies
completely dry. The water was so cold that it seemed
to freeze our bones. But in order to find freedom we
were ready to freeze, even die.
We finally reached a certain spot in the river from
where it was relatively safe to lay on the opposite
edge. This was assured to us by our Turkish guide,
the one we had captured at the windmill. We had set
now foot on French soil (occupied by French expeditionary
forces), It was impossible for those who set first
foot on the edge of the river to wait for the others to
march together since we had to move right away in order
to warm our freezing bodies.
Our group was being followed by Tossun Apraham who had
put on a mule a couple of wounded Hadjintsis unable to
walk. The son of Tossun kept shouting so that we
slowed down so that his father and him could catch us
up. What a brave and self-sacrificing man he was...
The next day when the Turks assaulted the windmill
they could not find any of us. Some horse-mounted
Turks try to pursue our group but it was too late, we had
set foot on secure soil, French soil.
When we reached the Jihan bridge, we were welcomed by
French soldiers and the people of the city. We were
all lodged into a khan (mostel); the next day our weapons
were taken away and after they fed us for a day or two we
were divided into two groups. The first was sent to
Der Yeol, the second to Adana.
From a total of 6,000 Hadjintsis, only 347 survived to
reach freedom.
1
Malcom, Armenians in America. Other English
language works on the history of the community are
Tashjian, Armenians of the United States; Minasian,
“They Came from Ararat”; “Armenians in
America,” Ararat (Winter 1977); and Avakian, Armenians
in America. I have been unable to obtain, Hagop
Nazarentaz, History of the Armenian Communities in
Foreign Lands, I: The Armenians in America (New
York, 1970). Bibliographical and other information
is in Kulhanjian, Guide on Armenian Immigrants.
For comments regarding the writing of the history of the
Armenian diaspora, especially that of the United States,
see Mirak, “Outside the Homeland.”
2
Account of Martin in Malcom, Armenians in America,
51-55; quoted passage, 52.
3 Ibid.,
52-55.
4
Paragraph derived from ibid. 55-56. The 173
line poem is in Peter Force, ed., Tracts and Other
Papers, vol. 3, no. 53, 31-35. See also
Minasian, “The First Armenians in America,”
Ararat (Spring 1968).
5
The plan of this hitherto unsurveyed site was executed in
July 1981. The few contour lines of the relatively
flat outcrop are at intervals of 75 cm. Only the
upper levels of towers A and B are represented on the
plan; the rest of the fort is represented at ground
level.
6
Texier, 583 f; Hogarth and Munro, 657 ff; Hild, 127 ff,
maps 11 and 14, pls. 98-99; Alishan, Sissouan, 62
ff; Schaffer, 90 f; Sterrett, 239 and map
2. Saimbeyli appears on the following maps; Central
Cilicia, Cilicie, Everek, Marash. See
also: Handbook, 69, 91, 343, 337-82, 703;
Cuinet, 94 f; Rasid ad-Din, Die Frankengeschichte des
Rasid ad-Din, intro., trans., and comm.. K. Jahn
(Vienna, 1977), 44 and notes 78 and 79.
7
Polosean, 106 f, 122 ff; Yovhannesean, 179-82; Aghassi,
97-101.
8
Ibid.; Alishan, Sissouan, 174-77; King, 240 f; for
a discussion of the monastery of St. James (S. Yakob),
see Edwards, “Second Report,” 125
ff. Concerning the medieval name for this site see
below, Appendix 3, note 6. Ramsay (281, 291, 312)
believes it to be the late antique Badimon.
9
The Armenian community here and in Sis occasionally
prospered as a result of alliances with the local derebeys. See
A. Gould, “Lords or Bandits” The Derebeys
of Cilicia,” International Journal of Middle
East Studies 7 (1976), 485-506; cf. A. Sanjian, The
Armenian Communities in Syria under Ottoman Domination (Cambridge,
Mass., 1965), 233 ff.
10
Edwards, “Second Report,” 130: f.
11
Ibid. The square campanile was part of the
post-medieval church of the Holy Mother of God (Holy
Astuacacin). Before its destruction by the Turks in
1915, it was heavily damaged on two prior occasions;
first by a fire and later by an earthquake. For
information on this and other Armenian churches in
Saimbeyli see note 3, above; Oskean; G. Galustian, Marash
(New York, 1934).
12
Edwards, “Second Report,” 130 f.
13
Throughout the ancient and medieval periods the region of
Cilicia was defined by the Taurus and Anti-Taurus
Mountains to the north and east and by the Mediterranean
to the south. Only the western border of Cilicia
seems to have fluctuated constantly; see T. Mitford,
“Roman Rough Cilicia,” Aufstieg und
Niedergang der römischen Welt, 2.7.2. (1980), 1230
ff. Just a small portion of what is now called
Cilicia Tracheia was part of the Armenian kingdom of
Cilicia; see below, Part I.7.
14
C. Toumanoff, “The Background of Manzikert,” Proceedings
of the XIII Congress of Byzantine Studies (Oxford,
1967), 411 ff; Matthew of Edessa, 158.
15
Although this first migration was small, the Armenians
made their presence felt by the late 10th
century. Al-Maqdisi ) Ahsan at-Taqãsim fi
ma’rifat al-aqãlim, ed. M. J. deGoeje, Descriptio
Imperii Moslemici, BGA Ill [Leiden, 1877], 189, line
1) in his discussion of the Gabal Lukkãm expresses
annoyance that in his day (ca. A.D. 985) this region is
controlled by the Armenians. See also G. Dédéyan,
“L’immigration arménienne en Cappadoce au XI
siècle,” Byz 45 (1975), 14 ff.
In the 960’s Cilicia was rapidly depopulated of
its Arab inhabitants, making it (along with Cappadocia)
an attractive site for Armenian settlement. See G.
Dagron, “Minorités ethniques et religiesuses dans
l’orient byzantin à la fin du X et au XI siècle:
L’immigration syrienne,” Travaux et
mémoires 6 (1976), 176-89, 208 ff.
16
J. Laurent, “Arméniens de Cilicie: Aspiétès,
Oschin, Ursinus,” Mélanges offerts à G.
Schlumberger, I (Paris, 1924), 150 ff; Lüders, 18.
17
N. Adontz, “Notes arméno-byzantines, IV,
l’aïeul des Roubéniens,” Byz 10 (1935), 185
ff. Genealogies of the Het’umids and Rubenids
can be found in Toumanoff, 275 ff, 439 ff;
Rüdt-Collenberg, passim. See also Dardel, 5 note 3.
18
Smbat, G. Dédéyan, 71 note 98.
19
G. Ter Grigorian Iskenderian, Die Kreuzfahrer und ihre
Beziehungen zu den armenischen Nachbarfürsten (Weida-Leipzig,
1915), 26 ff.
20
T. Boase. “The History of the Kingdom,” in
Boase, 10. T`oros I appears to have collected icons
of the Virgin, for in 1104 he purchased one from T`at`ul,
the prince of Maras. See Matthew of Edessa, 75.
21
Cinnamus, 16-19; Der Nersessian, 635-41; C. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman
Turkey, trans. J. Jones-Williams (London, 1968), 94
ff; Ibn al-Qalãnisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the
Crusades, ed. And trans. H. Gibb (London, 1932), 241,
246, 349; Tritton and Gibb, 99, 275 ff; Michael Italikos,
252 f.
22
F. Chalandon, Jean II Comnène (1118-1143) et Manuel l
Comnène (1143-1180) (Paris, 1912), 418 ff; Kirakos,
M. Brosset, 63 ff. One year before his ascension to
the Kat`olikate (1166), Nerses IV met in Misis with
Alexius, the brother-in-law of Manuel, to begin a
reconciliation between the Greek and Armenian Churches.
23
Der Nersessian, 642 f.
24
W. Hecht, “Byzanz und die Armenier nach dem Tode
Kaiser Manuels I 1180-96,” Byz 37 (1967), 60
ff.
25
Alishan, Léon, 105 ff; T. Rhode, König Leon
II von Kleinarmenien, Diss. (Göttingen, 1869), 3-44;
A. Savvides, Byzantium in the Near East: Its Relations
with the Sljuk Sultanate of Rum in Asia Minor, the
Armenians of Cilicia and the Mongols, A.D. c1192-1237 (Thessaloniki,
1981), 94 f, 116-20, 130, 145-47; Röhricht, 201, 208 f,
212 f, 218 f. This success, however, was of short
duration; see Ibn Bibi, 23, 55, 70-75.
26
N. Akinean, “Het`um Heli Ter Lambroni,” HA 59
(1955), 397-405.
27
Regarding the relationship between Armenian Cilicia and
the Greek, Latin, and Syrian Churches see: E.
Ter-Minassiantz, Die armenische Kirche in ihren
Beziehungen zu den syrischen Kirchen (Leipzig,
1904). 130 ff; C. Frazee, “The Christian Church
in Cilician Armenia: Its Relations with Rome and
Constantinople to 1198,” Church History 45
(1976), 166-84; C. Kohler, “Lettres pontificales
concernant l’histoire de la Petite Arménie au XIV
siècle,” Florilegium ou recueil de travaux
d’èrudition dédiés à M. le Marquis Melchior de
Vogüe (Paris, 1909), 303-27; P. Tekeyan,
“Controverses christologiques en Arméno-Cilicie
dans la seconde moitié du XII siècle (1165-1198),”
Orientalia christiana analecta 124 (1939), 5-121;
M. Oudenrijn, “Uniteurs et Dominicains
d’Arménie,” Oriens christianus 40
(1956), 94-112, 42 (1958), 110-33, 43, (1959), 110-19, 45
(1961), 95-108, 46 (1962), 99-116; A. Balgy, Historia
doctrinae catholicae inter Armenos unionisque eorum cum
ecclesia Romano in Concilio Florentino (Vienna,
1878); A. Ter-Mikelian, Die armenische Kirche in ihren
Beziehungen zur byzantinischen (vom IV. Bis zum XIII.
Jahrunderts) (Leipzig, 1892); J. Prawer,
“The Armenians in Jerusalem under the
Crusaders,” Armenian and Biblical Studies, ed.
M. Stone (Jerusalem, 1976), 223-36; H.F. Tournebize, Histoire
politique et religieuse de l’Arménie (Paris,
1910), 235-388, 644-753; idem, “Les cent dix-sept
accusations présentées à Benoît XII contre les
Arméniens,” Revue de l’Orient chrétien 11
(1906), 163-81, 274-300, 352-70; iden, “Les
Frères-Uniteurs ou Dominicains arméniens
(1330-1794),” ibid., 22 (1920-21), 145-61, 251-79;
Nerses of Lampron, 569 ff; A. Atiya, A History of
Eastern Christianity (London, 1968), 332-34; M.
Baldwin, “Missions to the East in the Thirteenth and
Fourteenth Centuries,: A History of the Crusaders, ed.
K. Setton, V (Madison, 1985), 463, 469 f, 478, 485 f,
489-93, 506, 410; A. Heisenberg, “Zu den
armenisch-byzantinischen Beziehungen am Anfang des 13.
Jahrhunderts,” Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-philologische
und historische Klass. Jahrgang 1929, 6, 3-20;
Grigor Aknerc`I, 378-80; D. Robert, “Négociations
ecclésiastiques arméno-byzantines au XIII
siècle,” Studi bizantini e neoellenici 5
(1939), 146-51; B. Hamilton, “The Armenian Church
and the Papacy at the Time of the Crusades,” Eastern
Churches Review 10 (1978), 61-87; J. Gay, Le Pape
Clément VI et les affaires d’Orient (1342-1352)
(Paris, 1904; rpr. New York, 1972).
28
Der Nersessian, 648 note 23; A. Atamian, “The Data
of the Coronation of Levon I,” Armenian Review
32 (1979), 280 ff; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 78 f. For
the purpose of this study, I shall refer to Baron Levon
II as King Levon I after this date.
29
Cahen, 526 ff; Edwards, “Bagras,” 431 f.
30
Forstreuter, 59-67.
31
Der Nersessian, 651 f.
32 P
Zavoronkov, “Nikeiskaja imperija I vostok,” Vizantiiskii
Vremennik 39 (1978), 93-101; Ibn Bibi, 140-42.
33
E. Bretschneider, “Notices of the Medieval Geography
and History of Central and Western Asia,” Journal
of the North-China Branch of the Asiatic Society, n.s.
10 (Shanghai, 1876), 297-302; R. Hennig, Terrae
Incognitae (A.D. 1200-1415), III (Leiden, 1953),
61-64. G. Bezzola Die Mongolen in
abendländischer Sicht [1220-1270] (Bern, 1974),
151-54, 179, 182, 190-92; J. Boyle, “The Journey of
Het`um I, King of Little Armenia, to the Court of the
Great Khan Möngke,” Central Asiatic Journal
9.3 (Sept. 1964), 175-89; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 176 ff;
Grigor Aknerc`I, 312-14, 340-42; J. Klaproth,
“Aperçu des enterprises des Mongolis en Géorgie et
en Arménie, dans le XIII siècle,” ja 12
(1833), 206-14.
34
Grigor Aknerc`I, 352-72; Canard, “Le royaume,”
217ff.
35
Town section in Hadjin.
36 A
village near Hadjin.
37
Cutoract (?)
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