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History of Cilicia

The history of Armenian Cilicia[1] begins with the ill-conceived policies of Constantinople.  The tenth century was a period of relative prosperity for the Armenians under the Bagratid dynasty.  However, in the first two decades of the eleventh century the Greeks succeeded in occupying much of Greater Armenia.  By 1045 they forced King Gagik II of Ani to relinquish his throne.  Soon Emperor Constantine Monomachus ordered the forced resettlement of Armenians into the regions of Caesarea, Sebastea, Tarsus, Antioch, Edessa, and Maras.  The latter three cities quickly became prominent Armenian principalities that endured until they were absorbed into various Crusader states.  The reduced numbers of indigenous Armenians in the regions of Van and Ani left the Byzantines poorly prepared to halt the Seljuk invasions.  The fateful battle occurred in 1071 on the hilly plain of Malazgirt (Manzikert), where the Turkish forces decisvely defeated the Greeks and captured Emperor Romanus Diogenes.[2]  As a result, all of Anatolia was opened to nomadic invasion.

 

Although Cilicia was to become the most successful and enduring of the Armenian settlements, the Greeks seem to have held political suzerainty there throughout most of the eleventh century.  The earliest known Armenian migration into Cilicia occurred in the first quarter of the tenth century when fifty petty nobles from the house of Sasun moved there together with their families.[3]   By the mid-eleventh century the trickle had turned into a flood.  The Byzantines were repopulating the garrison forts of the Taurus with these displaced Armenians.  As trusted vassals the Armenians also assumed administrative roles in the province.  For at least four years between 1072 and 1085 we know that the Byzantine governor of Tarsus was the Armenian noble Apllarip.  His father, Hasan, was a lesser prince in the province of Vaspurakan and has served in the army of Emperor Michael V. Apllarip is said to have given the fort of Lambrõ (Lampron) to one of his generals, Õsin.[4]  Õsin settled his family and retainers at Lambrõn; his heirs founded the Het’umid dynasty, one of the two great families in Armenian Cilicia.  Not only did the Het’umids support Greek policy through the first half of the twelfth century, but many even adopted the calendar and liturgy of the orthodox Greek Church.

 

The history of the founding of the Rubenids, the rivals of the Het’umids, is not so easily confirmed in our extant sources.[5]  It seems that the Bagratid King Gagik II, who had resettled in the district of Caesarea, was openly hostile to his Greek neighbors.  Apllarip, perhaps at the request of his Greek masters, sought an alliance with Gagik by offering his daughter to Gagik’s elder son, David.  Soon after the marriage David was imprisoned in the castle of Lambrõn (or in Paperõn/Çandir).  Gagik made the long journey to Tarsus in order to ransom his son.  On his return trip Gagik was captured by the Greeks who were waiting in ambush, and taken to the fortress of Cybistra, where he was killed.  His impaled body was chained to the ramparts of the fort.  Ruben, one of Gagik’s semilegendary chieftains (and perhaps relative), eventually fled with his retinue to the fort of Kapitar[6] in Cilicia.  We know that around 1097 Constantine, Ruben’s son, captured the fortress of Vahga, a strategic link on the road connecting Sis to Cappadocia.  Both Constantine and Õsin of Lambrõn provided supplies to the First Crusade in 1097.[7]  Constantine avoided any involvement in the struggle between Baldwin, Tancred, the Greeks, and the Turks for control of Cilicia Pedias.  Eventually the Crusaders moved to the south and east, retaining control of Tarsus, Adana, and Misis as well as the fortresses at Anavarza, Savranda, and Toprak.

 

At Constantine’s death (between 1100 and 1102) his son, T’oros I, assumed the leadership of the Rubenid clan and framed a policy for expansion that was eventually to lead to the unification of Armenian Cilicia under one king.  T’oros built a number of mountain fortresses and, perhaps by 1111, had seized Anavarza from its Frankish (or Byzantine) occupants.  T’oros was the first Armenian leader to establish permanent settlements in the plain.  The event in T`oros to which the Armenian chronicles devote considerable attention is his capture of Cybistra.  In killing the sons of Mandale, the lords of Cybistra and murderers of King Gagik, he avenged his clan and preserved the honor of Armenia.  T`oros brough back considerable amount of booty including an icon that he placed in his newly constructed baronial church at Anavarza.[8]  T`oros was successful in maintaining a good relations with the Turks, Crusaders, and Byzantines by following a policy of non-involvement.  The only exception was in 1118 when he dispatched a company of Armenian troops under his brother Levon to assist Roger of Antioch in his capture of `Azãz.

 

After the death of Baron T`oros in 1129 his brother Levon I continued his policies.[9]  Having persevered against Turkish and Frankish opposition in the early 1130s, Levon temporarily occupied the major cities of the plain and in 1135 captured Savranda, the Frankish possession that guarded the Amanus pass.  Because of this new alliance with the Danismendids, Levon felt confident enough to counter the Frankish threat.  However, Baldwin of Maras and his allies reacted quickly, and, despite the help provided by Joscelin of Edessa, Levon was captured and detained for two months in Antioch.  The Latins changed their opinion of Levon when they heard that Emperor John Comnenus was leading an army southeast into the Levant.  The Crusaders quickly made an alliance with the Rubenid baron.  From 1137 to 1138 the Greeks, backed by their faithful Het`umid allies, systematically captured all of the Frankish and Rubenid possessions in the plain and successfully carried their campaign into the Taurus Mountains.  Baron Levon I and two of his sons, Ruben and T`oros II, were captured and sent to Canstantinople in chains.  Only T`oros would survive and return to Cilicia.  Mleh and Stephen, the two other sons of Levon I, took refuge with their cousin Joscelin of Edessa.

 

Between 1142 and 1144 T`oros II escaped from Constantinople and began the reconquest of Cilicia Pedias, which he completed in 1151.  In 1152 Emperor Manuel sent his cousin Andronicus Comnenus to subdue T`oros, but the latter routed the Greek army and killed a number of their Het`umid allies, including Smbat of Paperõn.  Among the captured Met`umid nobles were Õsin II of Lambrõn, Basil of Barjrberd, and Tigran of Prakana.  Emperor Manuel next tried to persuade the Seljuks to attack T`oros; when that failed he turned to Reginald of Antioch.  However, Manuel refused to send the money he had promised to Reginald, and the latter made an allliance with T`oros.  The two allies jointly plundered the Byzantine possessions on Cyprus.  In 1158 the Byzantine armies quickly moved across Cilicia in a surprise attack.  Eventually T1oros and Manuel were reconciled at Misis.[10]   The Armenian baron assumed the role of a penitent and received from the emperor the title of sebastos.  He was left in control of the mountain forts and even joined the Greeks and Crusaders in 1164 during the campaign against Nur ad-Din.  Although technically a vassal of the Byzantine state, he maintained a remarkable degree of independence in his foreign policy.  Before his death in 1168 T`oros expelled his younger brother Mleh, who had become troublesome to the Armenian barons.

 

Mleh’s banishment was to have far-reaching consequences for Armenian Cilicia.[11]  He took refuge with Nur ad-Din, who supplied him with a sufficient number of Moslem troops to depose T`oros’ son, Ruben II, and the regent Thomas.  Ruben II was later murdered by his uncle’s agents in the castle of Hrovmklay.  With the support of his Turkish and Arab allies Mleh drove the Crusaders from the castles of the Amanus and captured the Byzantine governor of Tarsus, whom he handed over to Nur ad-Din in exchange for the district of Maras.  When Nur ad-Din died in 1174 the Armenian barons, long fearful of the Moslem alliance, assassinated Mleh.  Since Stephen, the brother of T`oros II, had been murdered ten years earlier by the Byzantines in the castle of Hamus, the Armenian nobles turned to his two sons, Ruben III and Levon II.  During the reign of Mleh they had both been safely hidden at Paperõn and were now ready to assume the leadershipof the Rubenid dynasty.  The elder, Ruben, took firm control over the administration of his lands.  In 1181 he arranged to marry the daughter of Humphrey of Toron in Jerusalem, thus forging a bond with the leading Frankish states in the Levant.  After a series of skirmishes with the Seljuks on his northern border, Ruben made an alliance with Kilij Arslan.  Ruben succeeded in capturing the few remaining sites in Cilicia that were still under Byzantine control.[12]   Despite his many years of association with the Het`umids at Paperõn, he was not successful in preventing them from periodically raiding the Rubenid settlements in the plain.  Following the example of his ancestors, Ruben laid siege to Lambrõn.  In response, the Het`umids, who had been abandoned by their Byzantine allies, turned to Bohemond III of Antioch.  Bohemond was fearful of Ruben’s influence and seized him at a banquet in Antioch.  Levon II carried on the siege of Lambrõn (unsuccessfully), and eventually Bohemond released Ruben for a sizable ransom, which included the fortresses of the Amanus.  On his release Ruben recaptured the Amanus and retired to the monastery of Drazark in 1187.

 

His brother, Baron Levon II, at once showed himself to be an able leader and succeeded in driving the bothersome Turkish nomads from his domains.[13]  Because of political intrigues in Constantinople and Iconium as well as the resounding defeat of the Crusaders of Hattin (1188), Levon was in a position to enlarge and consolidate his barony.  He not only secured all of the forts from the Calycadnus (Göksu) to the Anti-Taurus Mountains, but he occupied La Roche de Roissol, La Roche Guillaume, and Bagras, three Templar sites near the plain of Antioch.  Levon even led raids as far north as Caesarea and briefly occupied (until 1216) the Byzantine fort of Loulon.  Perhaps Levon’s greatest accomplishments were internal.  By tricking the Het`umid barons into attending a festival in Tarsus, Levon’s troops were able to capture Lambrõn (1201).[14]  Levon cemented an allliance with the Het`umids by marrying his niece to Õsin of Lambrõn and by giving the fortress of Lambrõn to his own mother, Rit`a, who was Het`umid by birth.  The political chaos in the Crusader Levant induced Levon to grant commercial privileges to the Venetians and Genoese, who were eager to enlarge the safe port at Ayas.  Transportation duties on the caravans from Erzurum and Trabzon, as well as Cilician timber, goat hides, and wheat, brought substantial revenues to the Rubenids.

 

In 1190 the unfortunate drowning of Frederick Barbarossa in the Calycadnus (near Silifke) temporarily dashed Levon’s hope of formal recognition from European princes and a crown of his own.  Levon periodically assisted the Crusaders, and he even silenced the annoying Bohemond III of Antioch.  The latter was captured by Levon at Bagras (repeating the ruse that Bohemond had earlier performed on Ruben III) and was soon released (ca. 1193/94) when he promised to recognize Levon’s acquisitions on the east flank of the Nur Daglari and to wed his son, Raymond, to Alice, Levon’s niece.  After agreeing (at least nominally) to certain papal demands regarding changes in the Armenian liturgy,[15] Levon finally received recognition of his royal status and independence from the Europeans.  On 6 January 1198/99[16] in the presence of the Greek metropolitan of Tarsus, the Syrian Jacobite patriarch, the Armenian kat`olikos, and the papal legate, Conrad of Mainz, Levon was crowned king of Armenia.  However, Levon’s kingly title did not insure the success of his policies.  His attempt to install Raymond-Ruben (the issue of his niece Alice) on the throne of Antioch had at first mixed results and eventually led to the Armenian abandonment of Bagras and severely strained relations with his European allies.[17]   While Levon remained hostile toward the Templars, he granted certain forts in Cilicia to the Hospitalers and Teutonic Knights.[18]  Before his death in May 1219 he had succeeded not only in unifying the Armenians of Cilicia, but in creating the most powerful Christian state in the northern Levant and eastern Anatolia.

 

Since Levon left no direct male heirs, his daughter Zapel became heiress to his estates and title.[19]  Zapel’s first marriage to Philip, the son of Bohemond IV of Antioch, ended in disaster.  It seemed that Philip openly favored his Latin barons for court appointments and refused to accept the teachings of the Armenian Church.  After only a brief period as king of Armenia, Philip was arrested, imprisoned, and eventually forced to drink poison.  In June 1226 Zapel married Het`um, the son of Constantine of Paperõn.

 

Most of the reign of Het`um I was marked by relative peace and prosperity.  Two Seljuk invasions, in 1233 and 1245, did little damage, but the Turks did manage to extract some tribute from the Armenian crown.[20]  The coastal sites west of Silifke, which had been briefly occupied by Armenians during the period of Levon’s reign, were captured by the Seljuks.  The stunning defeath of the Seljuks in 1243 at the hands of the Mongols moved Het`um to seek some sort of rapprochement with these new protagonists.  In 1247 he dispatched his brother the Constable Smbat on an embassy to the Mongols.  Three years later Smbat returned with a treaty that guaranteed the protection of all Armenian settlements in Anatolia as well as the promise of Mongol help in recapturing the Armenian possessions in Seljuk hands.  In 1253 Het`um traveled to the court of the Great Khan at Karakorum.[21]  The Armenian king formally acknowledged Mongol supremacy in the region; in return the Khan promised that all Armenian monasteries in the Mongol dominions would be freed from taxation.  Het`um also committed large contingents of Armenian troops to fight in the Mongolian campaigns.  King Het`um returned home through Greater Armenia and received proper recognition from the clergy and naxarars.  In 1254 he married his daughter to Bohemond VI and succeeded in briefly extending Armenian influence over Antioch.  With Mongolian help the Armenians regained the district of Maras and even captured Behesni on the Euphrates frontier.  Het`um also rode into Aleppo and Damascus in company with the triumphant Mongolian forces.  In a series of pitched battles on the western frontier of Cilicia Het`um repulsed the Karamanids and killed their leader Karaman.  But the savor of success was short-lived, for the battle of `Ain Jãlut (1260) ended Mongolian invincibility and opened Cilicia to Mamluk penetration.  Het`um, convinced of the soundness of the Christian-Mongol alliance, was slow to realize the Egyptian threat.[22]  In 1266, after he refused to placate Baybars by surrendering a border town, the Mamluks invaded his kingdom with full force.  The few cities of Cilicia, including the capital at Sis, were plundered and burnt.  In 1269 Het`um retired and relinquished his throne to King Levon II.



[1] Throughout the ancient and medieval periods the region of Cilicia was defined by the Taurus and Anti-Taurus Mountains to the north and east and by the Mediterranean to the south.  Only the western border of Cilicia seems to have fluctuated constantly; see T. Mitford, “Roman Rough Cilicia,” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt,  2.7.2. (1980), 1230 ff.  Just a small portion of what is now called Cilicia Tracheia was part of the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia; see below, Part I.7.

[2] C. Toumanoff, “The Background of Manzikert,” Proceedings of the XIII Congress of Byzantine Studies (Oxford, 1967), 411 ff; Matthew of Edessa, 158.

[3] Although this first migration was small, the Armenians made their presence felt by the late 10th century.  Al-Maqdisi ) Ahsan at-Taqãsim fi ma’rifat al-aqãlim, ed. M. J. deGoeje, Descriptio Imperii Moslemici, BGA Ill [Leiden, 1877], 189, line 1) in his discussion of the Gabal Lukkãm expresses annoyance that in his day (ca. A.D. 985) this region is controlled by the Armenians.  See also G. Dédéyan, “L’immigration arménienne en Cappadoce au XI siècle,” Byz 45 (1975), 14 ff.

  In the 960’s Cilicia was rapidly depopulated of its Arab inhabitants, making it (along with Cappadocia) an attractive site for Armenian settlement.  See G. Dagron, “Minorités ethniques et religiesuses dans l’orient byzantin à la fin du X et au XI siècle: L’immigration syrienne,” Travaux et mémoires 6 (1976), 176-89, 208 ff.

[4] J. Laurent, “Arméniens de Cilicie: Aspiétès, Oschin, Ursinus,” Mélanges offerts à G. Schlumberger, I (Paris, 1924), 150 ff; Lüders, 18.

[5] N. Adontz, “Notes arméno-byzantines, IV, l’aïeul des Roubéniens,” Byz 10 (1935), 185 ff.  Genealogies of the Het’umids and Rubenids can be found in Toumanoff, 275 ff, 439 ff; Rüdt-Collenberg, passim.  See also Dardel, 5 note 3.

[6] Smbat, G. Dédéyan, 71 note 98.

[7] G. Ter Grigorian Iskenderian, Die Kreuzfahrer und ihre Beziehungen zu den armenischen Nachbarfürsten (Weida-Leipzig, 1915), 26 ff.

[8] T. Boase. “The History of the Kingdom,” in Boase, 10.  T`oros I appears to have collected icons of the Virgin, for in 1104 he purchased one from T`at`ul, the prince of Maras.  See Matthew of Edessa, 75.

[9] Cinnamus, 16-19; Der Nersessian, 635-41; C. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, trans. J. Jones-Williams (London, 1968), 94 ff; Ibn al-Qalãnisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, ed. And trans. H. Gibb (London, 1932), 241, 246, 349; Tritton and Gibb, 99, 275 ff; Michael Italikos, 252 f.

[10] F. Chalandon, Jean II Comnène (1118-1143) et Manuel l Comnène (1143-1180) (Paris, 1912), 418 ff; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 63 ff.  One year before his ascension to the Kat`olikate (1166), Nerses IV met in Misis with Alexius, the brother-in-law of Manuel, to begin a reconciliation between the Greek and Armenian Churches.

[11] Der Nersessian, 642 f.

[12] W. Hecht, “Byzanz und die Armenier nach dem Tode Kaiser Manuels I 1180-96,” Byz 37 (1967), 60 ff.

[13] Alishan, Léon, 105 ff; T. Rhode, König Leon II von Kleinarmenien, Diss. (Göttingen, 1869), 3-44; A. Savvides, Byzantium in the Near East: Its Relations with the Sljuk Sultanate of Rum in Asia Minor, the Armenians of Cilicia and the Mongols, A.D. c1192-1237 (Thessaloniki, 1981), 94 f, 116-20, 130, 145-47; Röhricht, 201, 208 f, 212 f, 218 f.  This success, however, was of short duration; see Ibn Bibi, 23, 55, 70-75.

[14] N. Akinean, “Het`um Heli Ter Lambroni,” HA 59 (1955), 397-405.

[15] Regarding the relationship between Armenian Cilicia and the Greek, Latin, and Syrian Churches see: E. Ter-Minassiantz, Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zu den syrischen Kirchen (Leipzig, 1904).  130 ff; C. Frazee, “The Christian Church in Cilician Armenia:  Its Relations with Rome and Constantinople to 1198,” Church History 45 (1976), 166-84; C. Kohler, “Lettres pontificales concernant l’histoire de la Petite Arménie au XIV siècle,” Florilegium ou recueil de travaux d’èrudition dédiés à M. le Marquis Melchior de Vogüe (Paris, 1909), 303-27; P. Tekeyan, “Controverses christologiques en Arméno-Cilicie dans la seconde moitié du XII siècle (1165-1198),” Orientalia christiana analecta 124 (1939), 5-121; M. Oudenrijn, “Uniteurs et Dominicains d’Arménie,” Oriens christianus 40 (1956), 94-112, 42 (1958), 110-33, 43, (1959), 110-19, 45 (1961), 95-108, 46 (1962), 99-116; A. Balgy, Historia doctrinae catholicae inter Armenos unionisque eorum cum ecclesia Romano in Concilio Florentino (Vienna, 1878); A. Ter-Mikelian, Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zur byzantinischen (vom IV. Bis zum XIII. Jahrunderts) (Leipzig, 1892); J. Prawer, “The Armenians in Jerusalem under the Crusaders,” Armenian and Biblical Studies, ed. M. Stone (Jerusalem, 1976), 223-36; H.F. Tournebize, Histoire politique et religieuse de l’Arménie (Paris, 1910), 235-388, 644-753; idem, “Les cent dix-sept accusations présentées à Benoît XII contre les Arméniens,” Revue de l’Orient chrétien 11 (1906), 163-81, 274-300, 352-70; iden, “Les Frères-Uniteurs ou Dominicains arméniens (1330-1794),” ibid., 22 (1920-21), 145-61, 251-79; Nerses of Lampron, 569 ff; A. Atiya, A History of Eastern Christianity (London, 1968), 332-34; M. Baldwin, “Missions to the East in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,: A History of the Crusaders, ed. K. Setton, V (Madison, 1985), 463, 469 f, 478, 485 f, 489-93, 506, 410; A. Heisenberg, “Zu den armenisch-byzantinischen Beziehungen am Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts,” Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-philologische und historische Klass.  Jahrgang 1929, 6, 3-20; Grigor Aknerc`I, 378-80; D. Robert, “Négociations ecclésiastiques arméno-byzantines au XIII siècle,” Studi bizantini e neoellenici 5 (1939), 146-51; B. Hamilton, “The Armenian Church and the Papacy at the Time of the Crusades,” Eastern Churches Review 10 (1978), 61-87; J. Gay, Le Pape Clément VI et les affaires d’Orient (1342-1352) (Paris, 1904; rpr. New York, 1972).

[16] Der Nersessian, 648 note 23; A. Atamian, “The Data of the Coronation of Levon I,” Armenian Review 32 (1979), 280 ff; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 78 f.  For the purpose of this study, I shall refer to Baron Levon II as King Levon I after this date.

[17] Cahen, 526 ff; Edwards, “Bagras,” 431 f.

[18] Forstreuter, 59-67.

[19] Der Nersessian, 651 f.

[20] P Zavoronkov, “Nikeiskaja imperija I vostok,” Vizantiiskii Vremennik 39 (1978), 93-101; Ibn Bibi, 140-42.

[21] E. Bretschneider, “Notices of the Medieval Geography and History of Central and Western Asia,” Journal of the North-China Branch of the Asiatic Society, n.s. 10 (Shanghai, 1876), 297-302; R. Hennig, Terrae Incognitae (A.D. 1200-1415), III (Leiden, 1953), 61-64.  G. Bezzola Die Mongolen in abendländischer Sicht [1220-1270] (Bern, 1974), 151-54, 179, 182, 190-92; J. Boyle, “The Journey of Het`um I, King of Little Armenia, to the Court of the Great Khan Möngke,” Central Asiatic Journal 9.3 (Sept. 1964), 175-89; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 176 ff; Grigor Aknerc`I, 312-14, 340-42; J. Klaproth, “Aperçu des enterprises des Mongolis en Géorgie et en Arménie, dans le XIII siècle,” ja 12 (1833), 206-14.

[22] Grigor Aknerc`I, 352-72; Canard, “Le royaume,” 217ff.

out the ancient and medieval periods the region of Cilicia was defined by the Taurus and Anti-Taurus Mountains to the north and east and by the Mediterranean to the south.  Only the western border of Cilicia seems to have fluctuated constantly; see T. Mitford, “Roman Rough Cilicia,” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt,  2.7.2. (1980), 1230 ff.  Just a small portion of what is now called Cilicia Tracheia was part of the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia; see below, Part I.7.

[1] C. Toumanoff, “The Background of Manzikert,” Proceedings of the XIII Congress of Byzantine Studies (Oxford, 1967), 411 ff; Matthew of Edessa, 158.

[1] Although this first migration was small, the Armenians made their presence felt by the late 10th century.  Al-Maqdisi ) Ahsan at-Taqãsim fi ma’rifat al-aqãlim, ed. M. J. deGoeje, Descriptio Imperii Moslemici, BGA Ill [Leiden, 1877], 189, line 1) in his discussion of the Gabal Lukkãm expresses annoyance that in his day (ca. A.D. 985) this region is controlled by the Armenians.  See also G. Dédéyan, “L’immigration arménienne en Cappadoce au XI siècle,” Byz 45 (1975), 14 ff.

  In the 960’s Cilicia was rapidly depopulated of its Arab inhabitants, making it (along with Cappadocia) an attractive site for Armenian settlement.  See G. Dagron, “Minorités ethniques et religiesuses dans l’orient byzantin à la fin du X et au XI siècle: L’immigration syrienne,” Travaux et mémoires 6 (1976), 176-89, 208 ff.

[1] J. Laurent, “Arméniens de Cilicie: Aspiétès, Oschin, Ursinus,” Mélanges offerts à G. Schlumberger, I (Paris, 1924), 150 ff; Lüders, 18.

[1] N. Adontz, “Notes arméno-byzantines, IV, l’aïeul des Roubéniens,” Byz 10 (1935), 185 ff.  Genealogies of the Het’umids and Rubenids can be found in Toumanoff, 275 ff, 439 ff; Rüdt-Collenberg, passim.  See also Dardel, 5 note 3.

[1] Smbat, G. Dédéyan, 71 note 98.

[1] G. Ter Grigorian Iskenderian, Die Kreuzfahrer und ihre Beziehungen zu den armenischen Nachbarfürsten (Weida-Leipzig, 1915), 26 ff.

[1] T. Boase. “The History of the Kingdom,” in Boase, 10.  T`oros I appears to have collected icons of the Virgin, for in 1104 he purchased one from T`at`ul, the prince of Maras.  See Matthew of Edessa, 75.

[1] Cinnamus, 16-19; Der Nersessian, 635-41; C. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, trans. J. Jones-Williams (London, 1968), 94 ff; Ibn al-Qalãnisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, ed. And trans. H. Gibb (London, 1932), 241, 246, 349; Tritton and Gibb, 99, 275 ff; Michael Italikos, 252 f.

[1] F. Chalandon, Jean II Comnène (1118-1143) et Manuel l Comnène (1143-1180) (Paris, 1912), 418 ff; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 63 ff.  One year before his ascension to the Kat`olikate (1166), Nerses IV met in Misis with Alexius, the brother-in-law of Manuel, to begin a reconciliation between the Greek and Armenian Churches.

[1] Der Nersessian, 642 f.

[1] W. Hecht, “Byzanz und die Armenier nach dem Tode Kaiser Manuels I 1180-96,” Byz 37 (1967), 60 ff.

[1] Alishan, Léon, 105 ff; T. Rhode, König Leon II von Kleinarmenien, Diss. (Göttingen, 1869), 3-44; A. Savvides, Byzantium in the Near East: Its Relations with the Sljuk Sultanate of Rum in Asia Minor, the Armenians of Cilicia and the Mongols, A.D. c1192-1237 (Thessaloniki, 1981), 94 f, 116-20, 130, 145-47; Röhricht, 201, 208 f, 212 f, 218 f.  This success, however, was of short duration; see Ibn Bibi, 23, 55, 70-75.

[1] N. Akinean, “Het`um Heli Ter Lambroni,” HA 59 (1955), 397-405.

[1] Regarding the relationship between Armenian Cilicia and the Greek, Latin, and Syrian Churches see: E. Ter-Minassiantz, Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zu den syrischen Kirchen (Leipzig, 1904).  130 ff; C. Frazee, “The Christian Church in Cilician Armenia:  Its Relations with Rome and Constantinople to 1198,” Church History 45 (1976), 166-84; C. Kohler, “Lettres pontificales concernant l’histoire de la Petite Arménie au XIV siècle,” Florilegium ou recueil de travaux d’èrudition dédiés à M. le Marquis Melchior de Vogüe (Paris, 1909), 303-27; P. Tekeyan, “Controverses christologiques en Arméno-Cilicie dans la seconde moitié du XII siècle (1165-1198),” Orientalia christiana analecta 124 (1939), 5-121; M. Oudenrijn, “Uniteurs et Dominicains d’Arménie,” Oriens christianus 40 (1956), 94-112, 42 (1958), 110-33, 43, (1959), 110-19, 45 (1961), 95-108, 46 (1962), 99-116; A. Balgy, Historia doctrinae catholicae inter Armenos unionisque eorum cum ecclesia Romano in Concilio Florentino (Vienna, 1878); A. Ter-Mikelian, Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zur byzantinischen (vom IV. Bis zum XIII. Jahrunderts) (Leipzig, 1892); J. Prawer, “The Armenians in Jerusalem under the Crusaders,” Armenian and Biblical Studies, ed. M. Stone (Jerusalem, 1976), 223-36; H.F. Tournebize, Histoire politique et religieuse de l’Arménie (Paris, 1910), 235-388, 644-753; idem, “Les cent dix-sept accusations présentées à Benoît XII contre les Arméniens,” Revue de l’Orient chrétien 11 (1906), 163-81, 274-300, 352-70; iden, “Les Frères-Uniteurs ou Dominicains arméniens (1330-1794),” ibid., 22 (1920-21), 145-61, 251-79; Nerses of Lampron, 569 ff; A. Atiya, A History of Eastern Christianity (London, 1968), 332-34; M. Baldwin, “Missions to the East in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,: A History of the Crusaders, ed. K. Setton, V (Madison, 1985), 463, 469 f, 478, 485 f, 489-93, 506, 410; A. Heisenberg, “Zu den armenisch-byzantinischen Beziehungen am Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts,” Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-philologische und historische Klass.  Jahrgang 1929, 6, 3-20; Grigor Aknerc`I, 378-80; D. Robert, “Négociations ecclésiastiques arméno-byzantines au XIII siècle,” Studi bizantini e neoellenici 5 (1939), 146-51; B. Hamilton, “The Armenian Church and the Papacy at the Time of the Crusades,” Eastern Churches Review 10 (1978), 61-87; J. Gay, Le Pape Clément VI et les affaires d’Orient (1342-1352) (Paris, 1904; rpr. New York, 1972).

[1] Der Nersessian, 648 note 23; A. Atamian, “The Data of the Coronation of Levon I,” Armenian Review 32 (1979), 280 ff; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 78 f.  For the purpose of this study, I shall refer to Baron Levon II as King Levon I after this date.

[1] Cahen, 526 ff; Edwards, “Bagras,” 431 f.

[1] Forstreuter, 59-67.

[1] Der Nersessian, 651 f.

[1] P Zavoronkov, “Nikeiskaja imperija I vostok,” Vizantiiskii Vremennik 39 (1978), 93-101; Ibn Bibi, 140-42.

[1] E. Bretschneider, “Notices of the Medieval Geography and History of Central and Western Asia,” Journal of the North-China Branch of the Asiatic Society, n.s. 10 (Shanghai, 1876), 297-302; R. Hennig, Terrae Incognitae (A.D. 1200-1415), III (Leiden, 1953), 61-64.  G. Bezzola Die Mongolen in abendländischer Sicht [1220-1270] (Bern, 1974), 151-54, 179, 182, 190-92; J. Boyle, “The Journey of Het`um I, King of Little Armenia, to the Court of the Great Khan Möngke,” Central Asiatic Journal 9.3 (Sept. 1964), 175-89; Kirakos, M. Brosset, 176 ff; Grigor Aknerc`I, 312-14, 340-42; J. Klaproth, “Aperçu des enterprises des Mongolis en Géorgie et en Arménie, dans le XIII siècle,” ja 12 (1833), 206-14.

[1] Grigor Aknerc`I, 352-72; Canard, “Le royaume,” 217ff.

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